{"id":219,"date":"2024-06-03T16:19:38","date_gmt":"2024-06-03T14:19:38","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/wp.iparl.de\/?page_id=219"},"modified":"2025-04-03T13:19:37","modified_gmt":"2025-04-03T11:19:37","slug":"list-of-candidates","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/www.iparl.de\/en\/unsere-arbeit\/forschung\/kandidatenaufstellung\/kandidatenaufstellung-2017\/","title":{"rendered":"Candidate selection 2017"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Project on the candidate selection for the 2017 Bundestag elections<\/h1>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
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In its first research project, IParl analysed the candidate selection for the 2017 Bundestag elections.<\/p>

Quantitative and qualitative methods of empirical political research were used to find out how the nomination procedures are organised, who runs for office, who decides on the chances of success of a candidacy, which criteria play a role in the nominations, whether and how recruitment differs between and within the parties.<\/p>

Further information on the study design and detailed methodological reports can be found at here<\/a>.<\/p>

Selected publications from the project:\u00a0<\/strong><\/h4>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
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Die Aufstellung der Kandidaten f\u00fcr den Deutschen Bundestag<\/div>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
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Die Aufstellung der Kandidaten f\u00fcr den Deutschen Bundestag. <\/span>Empirische Befunde zur personellen Qualit\u00e4t der parlamentarischen Demokratie<\/span><\/a><\/h5><\/div>
By Prof em. Dr Oscar W. Gabriel, Dr Danny Schindler, Prof Dr Suzanne S. Sch\u00fcttemeyer, Pia Berkhoff, M.A., Malte Cordes, Daniel Hellmann, M.A., Prof Dr Benjamin H\u00f6hne, Oliver Kannenberg, M.A., Sophie Kopsch, M.A., Prof. Dr Oskar Niedermayer, Anastasia Pyschny, M.A.<\/span><\/div>
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In a parliamentary democracy, the existence of the political order depends on the fulfillment of parliamentary functions. It depends on the MPs whether there is sufficient expertise in parliament to help steer or control policy; they must ensure a lively connection to society, struggle for appropriate solutions and find compromises. The selection of candidates for parliamentary mandates is therefore of utmost importance. In 13 chapters, the book examines the questions of who, how, by whom and why candidates are nominated for parliamentary elections in a fundamental and detailed manner from the perspective of parliamentarism research.<\/div><\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>
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Die formale Dimension der Kandidatenaufstellung: Satzungen im Parteien- und Zeitvergleich<\/div>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
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Die formale Dimension der Kandidatenaufstellung: Satzungen im Parteien- und Zeitvergleich<\/a><\/h5>

by Daniel Hellmann and Benjamin H\u00f6hne<\/p>

Party statutes stipulate their internal rules. Among other things they address how candidates are selected, who is allowed to nominate candidates, who is eligible to stand as a candidate and which voting procedures apply. For the 2017 Bundestag election, we studied the CDU, CSU, SPD, B\u00fcndnis 90\/Die Gr\u00fcnen, Die Linke, FDP and AfD statues. As a consequence of Germany\u2019s comparatively rigid legal frame for candidate selection all parties show several similarities but we were also able to identify a few differences. These differences indicate differences in participation culture, e.g. how many members are allowed to nominate candidates, with smaller parties generally being more inclusive than bigger parties. AfD has the lowest grade of formal rules, which is owed to its relative short existence and therefore no need to institutionalize more formal rules. We also compared the aforementioned statues to the 2002 Bundestag election in longitudinal analysis and concluded remarkable continuity and with only little change.<\/p><\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>

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In den \u201egeheimen G\u00e4rten\u201c der Vorauswahl. Variationen der Listenaufstellung von CDU und SPD zum 19. Deutschen Bundestag<\/div>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
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In den \u201egeheimen G\u00e4rten\u201c der Vorauswahl. Variationen der Listenaufstellung von CDU und SPD zum 19. Deutschen Bundestag<\/a><\/h5>

by Danny Schindler<\/p>

Intra-party selection procedures that precede the conference to nominate a party list are substantively understudied. Yet, they are of utmost importance to explain and evaluate what happens at the formal selection events. This study investigates the pre-selection activities in the run-up to the 2017 Bundestag election in the Christian Democratic Party (CDU) and the Social Democratic Party (SPD). Drawing on participant observations as well as survey and interview data, it reveals that both parties use diverse multi-stage processes that in part predetermine the subsequent nomination results. Moreover, the party\u2019s executive boards at state level can influence list nominations to varying degrees. In some cases, the formal selectorates clearly overestimate the leadership\u2019s power. Although the selection procedures can be regarded as a sign of a vital intra-party democracy, parties should think about formalizing them in their statutes. The widespread informal decision making entails a lack of transparency even among party members and candidacy aspirants.<\/p><\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>

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Der m\u00fchselige Weg zum Mandat \u2013 aber welcher? Empirische Untersuchungen zu Inhalt und Bedeutung der Ochsentour<\/div>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
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Der m\u00fchselige Weg zum Mandat \u2013 aber welcher? Empirische Untersuchungen zu Inhalt und Bedeutung der Ochsentour<\/a><\/h5>

by Daniel Hellmann<\/p>

The Ochsentour describes the slow, hard road to the top of political positions and is colloquially negatively associated. But despite this negative image, it remains unclear what actually constitutes this process of intraparty proving and how to interpret the metaphor of the arduous journey of the ox dragging the plough. A descriptive analysis based on the IParl survey shows that an aspirant\u2019s nomination success depends on much more than the symptomatical duration of his or her party membership. These findings instead indicate that the development of a trusted relationship between candidate and party base is the key component of intraparty promotion. Overall the data suggests that aspirants are mostly flexible, show high levels of engagement and have proved themselves to their party base. Thus, the Ochsentour metaphor does not fit to the actual performance of candidature applicants.\u00a0<\/p><\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>

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Wer ist der ideale Kandidat? Auswahlkriterien bei der Kandidatenaufstellung zum Deutschen Bundestag<\/div>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
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Wer ist der ideale Kandidat? Auswahlkriterien bei der Kandidatenaufstellung zum Deutschen Bundestag<\/a><\/h5>

by Malte Cordes and Daniel Hellmann<\/p>

Before an election takes place, the party members select their parliamentary candidates. Their nomination decisions depend on their vision of an ideal candidate. Based on the IParl survey of party members participating in the candidate selection for the 2017 German Bundestag elections we are able to investigate these preferences. As we see, there is neither a common ideal among all participants, nor are there any distinctly different groups. Differentiating between district and state level these variations are less distinct than between the different parties. We could also show that competitors seem to perceive demands from their electors at least partially different. Presumably, those aspirants who are better at anticipating their electors\u2019 complex preferences might have better chances in the intraparty nomination process.<\/p><\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>

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\u201eWir gucken zuerst auf uns\u201c \u2013 nur wie lange noch? Parteienwettbewerb bei der Kandidatenaufstellung zur Bundestagswahl 2017<\/div>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
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\u201eWir gucken zuerst auf uns\u201c \u2013 nur wie lange noch? Parteienwettbewerb bei der Kandidatenaufstellung zur Bundestagswahl 2017<\/a><\/h5>

by Oliver Kannenberg<\/p>

he rise of the right-wing populist Alternative f\u00fcr Deutschland (AfD) has changed the German party landscape and challenged the other Bundestag parties. So far, this has not been paid attention to when looking at how parties fulfill their recruitment function, i.e. how they select candidates for elections. This study investigates whether and how the AfD has influenced their rivals\u2019 nomination processes in 2017. By drawing on guided interviews with members of the selection bodies, strong inertial forces within the established parties in terms of the selection mode became obvious. Similarly, candidates for the Bundestag were largely chosen according to internal party criteria despite increased inter-party competition. Those results notwithstanding there are initial signs that voter-related selection criteria might be weighted stronger in the future. This could be due above all to declining membership figures, changing conditions for competition in the districts and enhanced polarization within the parties.<\/p><\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>

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Mehr Frauen im Bundestag? Deskriptive Repr\u00e4sentation und die innerparteiliche Herausbildung des Gender Gaps<\/div>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
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Mehr Frauen im Bundestag? Deskriptive Repr\u00e4sentation und die innerparteiliche Herausbildung des Gender Gaps<\/a><\/h5>

by Benjamin H\u00f6hne<\/p>

Lately, the parliamentarian presence of women more and more has been a topic in public debates. These debates draw more on theoretical arguments instead of on empirical findings. How the gender gap between the German Bundestag\u2019s composition and the population can be explained is analyzed on the basis of candidate selections in all seven Bundestag parties. A clear majority of all parties with the exception of the right-wing populist AfD show sensitivity to a fair gender presence. In three consecutive steps, the recruitment stages are examined, beginning with the shift from society to party and ending with the election of MPs. The problem of females being under-represented starts at an early stage, i.e. already with the share of female party members. In contrast, there are hardly any significant differences between the sexes in party participation. Considering the nomination decisions, positive discrimination against women, especially on state level lists, is more common than negative discrimination, especially in electoral districts.<\/p><\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>

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Kandidatenaufstellung zur Bundestagswahl 2017. Untersuchungen zu personellen und partizipatorischen Grundlagen demokratischer Ordnung<\/div>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
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Kandidatenaufstellung zur Bundestagswahl 2017. Untersuchungen zu personellen und partizipatorischen Grundlagen demokratischer Ordnung<\/a><\/h5>

by Suzanne S. Sch\u00fcttemeyer and Anastasia Pyschny<\/p>

The political parties represented in the Bundestag have about 300.000 active members, from whom all elected officials, from local councils to the European Parliament, are recruited . Due to the ongoing membership decline in parties the pool of eligible candidates is also reduced. In spite of this worrying development and the outstanding importance of the parties\u2019 recruitment function for the stability and functioning of the political system, for the last five decades the candidate selection processes for the German Bundestag have neither been analyzed extensively nor systematically. Hence, the Institute of Parliamentary Research (IParl) addressed this research gap and studied the candidate selection before the German parliamentary elections of 2017 by asking who selects whom in which way and for what reasons in the constituency or for the party lists as candidate for the German Bundestag. The results underline the worrying situation: Not only the personal but also the participatory basis of democracy has been shrinking over time. Although the parties hold membership conventions more often, in 15 years the participation of the electorate from CDU, CSU and SPD declined by 46 percent. Thus, inclusive participation offers are not a universal remedy. Rather, the parties have to make sure that such offers are really used comprehensively.<\/p><\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>

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No Need for Wider Selectorates? Party Members' Preferences for Reforming the Nomination of District and List Candidates for the German Bundestag<\/div>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
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No Need for Wider Selectorates? Party Members' Preferences for Reforming the Nomination of District and List Candidates for the German Bundestag<\/a><\/h5>

by Danny Schindler and Benjamin H\u00f6hne<\/p>

While there is plenty of research investigating the methods for choosing parliamentary candidates and their consequences, only a few studies have explored the preferences of party members for various selection modes. This article focuses on those party members actively involved in candidate nominations, separated into leaders, delegates and rank-and-file. As it is well known, party activities are pivotal when it comes to procedural reforms. Our data base is a representative survey in the run-up of the 2017 national election within all current Bundestag parties that includes selections at the distict level and for party lists. The data show that there is very limited reform support for open primaries. Moreover, party members frequently opt for the procedures with which they are long familiar. Evidence for assuptions that party elites prefer inclusive procedures to circumvent mid-level activists could not be found. Looking at context factors, general meetings are more strongly supported in competitive settings. Regarding list selections, a strong membership base and a large territorial size of a federal state lead to favouring the delegate principle which points to organizational and practical considerations.<\/p><\/div><\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>

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How Democracy Works within a Populist Party: Candidate Selection in the Alternative for Germany<\/div>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
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How Democracy Works within a Populist Party: Candidate Selection in the Alternative for Germany<\/a><\/h5>

by Benjamin H\u00f6hne<\/p>

Does the demand for more direct democracy by populist parties have any implications for their internal decision-making? To answer this question, a novel large-scale research project analyses the 2017 candidate selection of all Bundestag parties, including the populist Alternative for Germany. Some 1,334 individual nominations of seven parties are compared using quantitative indicators along three dimensions of intra-party democracy (IPD): competition between aspirants for candidacy, inclusion of members and nomination-related communication. It shows that the AfD is living up to its promise of practising grassroots democracy: in all results it ranks at the top by a wide margin. A new populist organisational model seems to have emerged following neither the classic hierarchical and leader-oriented mode of many other European right-wing populist parties nor the delegate assembly mode typical of German parties. Our further development of IPD concepts, newly elaborated measuring methods and surprising empirical evidence improve the understanding of democratic decision-making in populist parties.<\/p><\/div><\/div>

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Wie stellen Parteien ihre Parlamentsbewerber auf? Das Personalmanagement vor der Bundestagswahl 2017<\/div>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t
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Wie stellen Parteien ihre Parlamentsbewerber auf? Das Personalmanagement vor der Bundestagswahl 2017<\/a><\/h5>

by Benjamin H\u00f6hne<\/p>

Political personnel management for key positions in representative democracy takes place in the political parties. Since the founding of the Federal Republic of Germany, they have provided voters with a range of personnel for the elections that take place every four or five years in the municipalities, federal states, the federal government and the European Union.<\/p><\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/section>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Projekt \u00fcber die Kandidatenaufstellung zur Bundestagswahl 2017 Das IParl untersucht in seinem ersten Forschungsprojekt die Kandidatenaufstellung zur Bundestagswahl 2017 in den Bundestagsparteien CDU, CSU, SPD, DIE LINKE und B\u00dcNDNIS 90\/DIE GR\u00dcNEN, FDP und AfD. Mithilfe von quantitativen und qualitativen Methoden der empirischen Politikforschung soll herausgefunden werden, wie die Nominierungsverfahren gestaltet sind, wer kandidiert, wer \u00fcber […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"parent":1529,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-219","page","type-page","status-publish","hentry"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nKandidatenaufstellung 2017 - IParl<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.iparl.de\/en\/our-work\/research\/candidate-selection\/list-of-candidates\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_GB\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Kandidatenaufstellung 2017 - IParl\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Projekt \u00fcber die Kandidatenaufstellung zur Bundestagswahl 2017 Das IParl untersucht in seinem ersten Forschungsprojekt die Kandidatenaufstellung zur Bundestagswahl 2017 in den Bundestagsparteien CDU, CSU, SPD, DIE LINKE und B\u00dcNDNIS 90\/DIE GR\u00dcNEN, FDP und AfD. 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